
As I prepare to attend this year's Democratic convention in Denver,
I can't help but think back to 1984, when Jesse Jackson first ran for
president. I was one of the alligators, a term for the press corps that
will be explained later. I have never experienced anything like
that 1984 Jackson whirlwind. At the time, I was a national
correspondent for the Chicago Tribune. Even now, 24 years later, I
don't quite know why Jesse Jackson ran for president. He was already
president of Black America and that was a full-time job. Covering
any candidate is often a love-hate relationship. There are certain
things you love about the job - traveling to different places, running
across old friends and seeing how the candidate touches different
crowds with the same basic speech. There are other times, like at the
end of an 18-hour day, when the last thing you want to hear is another
speech. When the crowd was often yelling, "Run, Jesse, run," we were
muttering to ourselves, "Sleep, Jesse, sleep." More than any
other campaign in history, the Jackson candidacy provided many black
journalists an opportunity to cover national politics for the first
time. It also meant hearing stupid questions, such as: "Can black
reporters fairly cover a black candidate?" No one asked the reverse:
"Can white reporters fairly cover white candidates?" But such was life
on the campaign trail. Those questions increased after Milton
Coleman of the Washington Post reported that Jackson had referred to
Jews as "Hymie" and New York City as "Hymietown." Buried in the 37th
paragraph of a 52-paragraph story, the disclosure at first went
virtually unnoticed. But after the Post ran an editorial about it a
week later, the controversy moved center stage and threatened to
unravel Jackson's campaign. In a speech at Temple Adath Yeshurun
in Manchester, N.H., Jackson was forced to acknowledge he had used
anti-Semitic slurs. He said, "However innocent and unintentional, [the
comment] was insensitive and it was wrong . . . I categorically deny
that this in any way reflects my basic attitude toward Jews or Israel." Jackson
recovered enough to finish in third place behind Walter Mondale, the
party's eventual nominee, and former Sen. Gary Hart. He received more
than three million votes, about 21 percent of the popular vote. Back
to the alligators moniker. It was during the "Hymietown" controversy
that Jackson said he was tired of "the allegations and the allegators."
So, we instantly became the alligators. I still have my prized toy
alligator that was distributed to the media regulars. Let me
confess before someone tells on me. I often broke the boredom of long
days by doing an imitation of Jackson on the campaign trail - usually
when he wasn't around. As part of his stock speech, Jackson would
compare Ronald Reagan's margin of victory with the number of
unregistered black voters, making the point that if African Americans
had turned out in proportion to their numbers, Reagan could have been
defeated in 1980. He would say something to the effect of: In Mississippi, Reagan won by 25,000 votes, 80,000 blacks unregistered to vote,
R-o-c-k-s, just lying around. In Georgia, Reagan won by 18,000 votes, 75,000 blacks unregistered to vote, R-o-c-k-s, just lying around. After naming a few more states, Jackson would bring the crowd to its feet with a strong end: But little David can beat Goliath. Oh, yes he can. All you have to do little David is pick up your rocks, pick up your slingshot, and say, "Look out Goliath, here I come." It
didn't seem to bother anyone that from time to time, Jackson picked up
some extra rocks along the way when referencing the number of
unregistered voters.
The memories that stand out the most from
that 1984 presidential crusade - it hadn't developed into a full-blown
campaign - were of African American kids and old people. Tears would
stream from old ladies' eyes as they hugged Jackson, saying how proud
he made them feel. And some of the kids did not hesitate when asked
what they wanted to become upon reaching adulthood. "President of the
United States," one told a TV interviewer. Unlike the '84 Jackson
campaign, there are not many African American reporters on the campaign
trail every day with Sen. Barack Obama. But there is no less pride in
his accomplishments. Like the Jackson campaign, however, many
black leaders have been out of step with their constituents. Black
leaders sided with Mondale over Jackson in 1984, only to have their
districts vote overwhelmingly for Jackson. By 1988, the second time
around, black leaders were firmly in Jackson's camp. This year,
the Congressional Black Caucus was split between endorsing Obama and
Hillary Clinton. Black voters were not confused - more than 90 percent
gave their votes to Obama. In 1984, Jackson would say, "Our time
has come. Our time has come. Our time has come." His time hasn't come,
but perhaps Obama's will - if rocks don't just lie around.
Next Column:
Taking a Second Look at Bi-racial 'Black' Leaders
Back To Columns |