Recent federal court decisions on affirmative action - some good,
some bad - have paved the way for the issue to be ultimately taken up
by the United States Supreme Court, possibly as early as this year. With
a twice-elected former president who supported affirmative action by
saying, "Mend it, don't end it" and a newly selected president who
prefers "affirmative access" over affirmative action, it is time to
mobilize public opinion behind what is fundamentally a conservative
remedy. First, the good news. In a suit brought by the
Center of Individual Rights on behalf of two rejected White students, a
federal judge upheld the University of Michigan Law School's
affirmative action program. In a 50-page written opinion issued in
December, U.S. District Judge Patrick J. Duggan declared: "A racially
and ethnically diverse student body produces significant educational
benefits such as diversity, in the context of higher education,
constitutes a compelling governmental interest." The 9th U.S.
Circuit Court of Appeals, also in a December ruling, upheld a
University of Washington Law School affirmative action policy as
constitutional. That program had also been challenged by the Center for
Individual Rights, the same conservative group that had affirmative
action outlawed in 1996 at the University of Texas. Now, for the bad news. Despite major victories in Michigan and Washington state, the battle over affirmative action is far from over. There
is still another suit to be settled challenging the University of
Michigan's undergraduate affirmative action program. If that program is
nullified and the law school program is left intact, the U.S. Supreme
Court may step in and issue a definitive ruling. Anti-affirmative
action forces won a victory in the employment arena last year when the
11th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals in Atlanta upheld a lower court
ruling that struck down the affirmative action program in Georgia's
Fulton County that reserved contracts for businesses owned by women and
people of color. A similar suit, filed by the conservative Southeastern
Legal Foundation, is pending against the city of Atlanta. As
affirmative action cases ease their way toward the Supreme Court,
another war is being waged, this one for public opinion. At this point,
progressive forces are losing, largely because the Far Right has been
able to skillfully distort the debate. When I was editing a book
on this subject titled, "The Affirmative Action Debate" (Perseus
Books), I was surprised to learn just how little even some
African-Americans knew about affirmative action. This lack of knowledge
has allowed opponents of affirmative action to go on the offensive and
mischaracterize affirmative action as a "quota" program. The U.
S. Commission on Civil Rights provides a turgid but accurate definition
of affirmative action as: "any measure, beyond simple termination of a
discriminatory practice, which permits the consideration of race,
national origin, sex, or disability, along with other criteria, and
which is adopted to provide opportunities to a class of qualified
individuals who have either historically or actually been denied those
opportunities, and to prevent the recurrence of discrimination in the
future." Not only does that definition not include quotas,
Executive Order 11246 specifically forbids the use of quotas in federal
affirmative action programs. Therefore, the use of quotas shouldn't
even be discussed within the context of affirmative action. Unfortunately,
the media has been an accomplice in this disinformation campaign by
adopting the language of the Far Right. For example, there are frequent
references in the media to "race-based" admissions or "gender-based"
admissions to colleges. The reality is that there is not a university
in the country that admits a student solely based on his or her race or
gender. There are race-conscious programs and gender-sensitive
programs, but not race-based or gender-based college admissions. Among
the worst canards is the allegation that these are "preference"
programs. Hardly. What colleges are saying is that for decades Blacks
have been excluded solely because of their race. Therefore, given that
historic discrimination, there is nothing wrong with considering race
as one of many factors used to evaluate qualified applicants. The
largest "preference program" does not involve affirmative action, but
so-called "legacy" programs that give a preference to college
applicants if their parents attended the same university. It was
pointed out in my affirmative action book (p.183) that in 1994, 40
percent of the children of Harvard alumni applying to the university
were admitted, compared to 14 percent of for students whose parents
were not Harvard alumni. A U.S. Department of Education study
found that the alumni children admitted to Harvard had SAT scores that
averaged 35 points lower than those of students with non-alumni parents. Another
study found that far more Whites have entered the gates of the 10 most
elite American academic institutions through "alumni preference" than
the combined numbers of all the Blacks and Latinos entering through
affirmative action. Opponents of affirmative action don't
complain about alumni preference programs. They prefer instead to
criticize legitimate programs that seek to expand the number of
African-American, Hispanic, Asian-American and female students on
college campuses, in the work place or winning tax-supported government
contracts. If opponents of affirmative action are successful, we
will have race-based admissions to our nation's colleges and
universities, race-based government contracts and a race-based
workforce. That race will be White.
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Knoxville College Works it Out
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